Nigeria’s twenty-four years of uninterrupted democracy undermined by a compromised judiciary

Nigeria’s return to civilian rule in 1999, no doubt, brought hope across the nation after decades of military rule, forcing the “Military Boys” to return to their barracks.

The people dreamt of a democracy that would truly transform governance. Now, 24 years later, Nigeria boasts uninterrupted democratic rule which is a feat in itself.

No coup has interrupted an elected government; five presidents have passed through the ballot box or constitutional succession and the people still line up every four years to vote.

This milestone is significant, given Nigeria’s troubled past, yet, the promise of democracy remains only partially fulfilled.

Beyond corruption among politicians lies a deeper threat, a compromised judiciary that turns the will of the people into a risky gamble in courtrooms.

Since 1999, Nigeria can be said to have made meaningful democratic progress.

The 2015 election, which saw opposition candidate Muhammadu Buhari defeat an incumbent president, Goodluck Jonathan marked a historic achievement rarely seen in Africa.

Reforms at the electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the use of technology like Bimodal Voter Accreditation System, BVAS have made rigging more difficult while the Civil society, the media and youth activism have kept democracy vibrant, driving conversations about reform and inclusion.

However, these gains are too often undone by judicial shortcomings as politicians often rely not on the ballot, but on the courts to secure power.

The courts have become open markets where election victories are auctioned away on flimsy “technicalities.” Election petitions have turned into a billion-naira industry, marked by secretive orders while candidates who lose polls sometimes reclaim power through court rulings rather than public mandate. Examples abound.

From local government council polls to governorships and Senate seats, there have been questionable judgments and suspicion which erode trust with citizens increasingly feeling that justice is for sale. When democracy hinges on what judges decide behind closed doors, the ballot box loses its meaning.

Worse still, judges often hide behind legal technicalities, disqualifying candidates over minor paperwork while overlooking strong evidence of electoral malpractice. In many states, it is the judiciary, not the voters that effectively choose leaders.

This judicial corruption is more than a legal issue; it is a democratic crisis. It undermines confidence in elections, fuels voter apathy and emboldens unscrupulous politicians who believe they can “buy” victory in court.

Of course, the judiciary is not the sole challenge as political parties remain dominated by powerful godfathers and money interests. ethnic and religious divisions influence voting and pervasive corruption, insecurity and poverty weaken democratic structures.

Yet, the judiciary’s betrayal strikes deeper, given that no corrupt politician can endure without complicit courts. When judges abdicate their role, democracy itself crumbles.

Despite reforms like the Electoral Act of 2022, which mandates technology and electronic result transmission, the best laws fail when courts refuse to enforce them impartially.

Youth-led movements such as Not Too Young To Run have widened participation, but protracted election litigations mean new politicians without vast resources struggle to survive.

Nigeria’s democracy is breathing on a life saving machine. The political process seems to have matured, with “improved” elections and stronger growing civic voices, but the judiciary remains the albatross, the one arm that should protect democracy but keeps sabotaging it.

The biggest lesson learnt in the past 24 years of our democracy is that free and fair elections mean little or nothing if corrupt judges can overturn them in exchange for brown envelopes.

For democracy to flourish, the judiciary must be reformed with transparency, meritocracy, accountability and speed, just as election disputes must be resolved before swearing-in, not months after.

Only then can Nigeria’s democracy stand on a firm foundation, not just surviving, but thriving.